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TRUMP DOJ SUES SAN JOSE OVER $1,591 CONCEALED-CARRY FEE — The Second Amendment Fight Now Moves to Federal Court
The Justice Department says San Jose has turned a lawful licensing process into an unconstitutional financial barrier. The city says the fee simply reflects the documented cost of processing applications. A federal judge must now decide where cost recovery ends and an excessive burden on a constitutional right begins.
The Justice Department has opened a new Second Amendment front against a California city, suing San Jose and its police department over a concealed-carry licensing fee that now approaches $1,600. The federal government argues that the charge is so far above the fees imposed in other major jurisdictions that it effectively prices ordinary residents out of exercising a constitutional right. San Jose rejects that characterization and says the number is not a political penalty at all, but the documented cost of processing a permit application under California law.

The lawsuit was filed September 16 in the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California. It challenges San Jose's $1,591 fee for a new concealed-carry weapon license and asks the court to stop the city from maintaining a fee structure the Justice Department describes as abusive. The case does not challenge California's ability to require a permit in the first place. Instead, it focuses on a narrower constitutional question: how much a government may charge to administer a licensing system before the price itself becomes an unlawful obstacle to the right to carry a handgun for self-defense.
That distinction places the dispute squarely in the legal landscape created by the Supreme Court's 2022 decision in New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen. In Bruen, the Court held that the Second and Fourteenth Amendments protect the right of ordinary, law-abiding citizens to carry handguns in public for self-defense. At the same time, the Court made clear that objective, 'shall-issue' licensing systems can remain constitutional. What the Court did not do was give governments unlimited freedom to make those systems expensive or slow.
In a footnote that now sits at the center of the San Jose case, the Supreme Court cautioned that even a facially permissible licensing regime can be challenged if it is used toward abusive ends, including through lengthy delays or 'exorbitant fees' that deny ordinary citizens their right to public carry. The Court did not establish a specific dollar ceiling, and it did not hold that any particular permit fee above a certain amount is automatically unconstitutional. That unanswered question is what the Justice Department is now asking the federal court to confront.

San Jose's fee rose to $1,591 in June under a City Council resolution. According to the federal complaint, the increase was nearly $300 above the amount the city had charged roughly two and a half years earlier. California law allows local licensing authorities to recover reasonable costs associated with processing, issuing and enforcing concealed-carry licenses. The federal government therefore is not arguing that every administrative fee is forbidden. Its position is that San Jose's number exceeds what can constitutionally be imposed on someone seeking to exercise the right recognized in Bruen.
The Justice Department describes San Jose as a national outlier. Its complaint compares the city's fee with much lower charges in other large jurisdictions, citing a $75 application fee in Washington, D.C., $100 in Boston, $150 in Chicago and $340 for a three-year license in New York City. It also points to nearby California jurisdictions. San Francisco charges $144 for the comparable fee, according to the complaint. Berkeley charges $255 to apply and another $325 after approval, while Santa Clara County charges $488 at the beginning and $488 at issuance. Alameda County charges $347 and $346 at those respective stages.
Those comparisons are central to the government's theory, but the claim that San Jose has the highest concealed-carry application fee in the country remains an allegation advanced by the Justice Department, not a finding already made by a court. The city's response focuses less on what other jurisdictions charge and more on why its own process costs what it does.
City Attorney Susana Alcala Wood says the federal government's presentation leaves out the mechanics of the fee and incorrectly suggests that every applicant must hand over the full $1,591 before the city begins processing the application. In a written response to Assistant Attorney General Harmeet Dhillon, Wood said San Jose collects only 20 percent of the local fee — about $318 — when an application is filed. The remainder is due only if the license is ultimately issued. If the application is denied, the city says it does not collect the remaining balance.
That does not resolve the constitutional issue, but it changes one part of the factual picture. The dispute is not simply whether a resident must produce $1,591 on day one. It is whether a system that can ultimately require that amount as the local government's licensing charge imposes a burden that is constitutionally excessive, even when payment is staged over the course of the process.
San Jose also says the total is tied directly to its administrative expenses. Wood stated that $1,243.52 of the fee represents staff time based on 6.5 hours of work per application, while approximately $347.55 reflects indirect overhead. The city says those figures come from a time-and-task analysis, are auditable, and are reviewed annually. It further argues that the police department has already made the system more efficient by reducing the amount of staff time built into the calculation from eight hours to 6.5 hours.
For San Jose, those details are the heart of the case. The city argues that a cost-recovery fee is fundamentally different from a tax or surcharge designed to suppress conduct. If the amount reflects the actual expense of background review, administrative processing and related tasks, the city contends, then the fact that the number is unusually high does not by itself prove an unconstitutional motive or effect.
The Justice Department sees the same facts differently. Its complaint says that constitutional rights cannot be conditioned on unusually high payments that make lawful exercise impractical for lower-income residents. Assistant Attorney General Harmeet Dhillon, who leads the Civil Rights Division, said the right to bear arms for self-defense is not a privilege reserved for people able to absorb a four-figure licensing cost. She described a fee several times higher than the price of many firearms as an unconstitutional impediment to the Second Amendment.
That rhetoric reflects a broader change in federal civil-rights enforcement under the Trump administration. The Civil Rights Division now includes a dedicated Second Amendment Section that says it will investigate and litigate alleged infringements by state and local governments. The San Jose case is part of that broader effort to use federal civil-rights authority not only in traditional areas such as voting, policing and discrimination, but also in disputes involving the right to keep and bear arms.
The lawsuit therefore carries significance beyond one city and one fee schedule. A ruling could help define how Bruen's warning about 'exorbitant fees' operates in practice. The Supreme Court gave lower courts a principle but not a mathematical formula. It did not say whether a lawful fee should be judged against the cost of processing an application, the applicant's ability to pay, fees imposed for other constitutional activities, the prices charged by neighboring jurisdictions, or some combination of those measures.
San Jose's defense is likely to press the cost-recovery argument hard. California Penal Code Section 26190 permits local agencies to charge fees tied to the reasonable costs of processing applications, issuing licenses and administering the licensing system. The city says its fee is built precisely around that statutory authorization. If its calculations are accepted as accurate, San Jose can argue that it is not imposing an arbitrary financial barrier but passing along the actual cost of a resource-intensive process authorized by state law.
The federal government is likely to answer that state authorization cannot override the federal Constitution. Even if California permits a city to recover its reasonable costs, the Justice Department argues that the Second Amendment still places an outer limit on what residents may be required to pay. Under that theory, a city could not avoid constitutional review merely by showing that its internal procedures are expensive. If a constitutionally protected activity becomes unaffordable because the government has designed a costly administrative process, the process itself may become part of the constitutional problem.
That is where the disagreement over efficiency becomes important. San Jose says it reduced staff time from eight hours to 6.5 hours, evidence, in its view, that it is trying to lower costs rather than erect barriers. The Justice Department can still ask why the system costs more than comparable processes elsewhere and whether all of the staff time and overhead charged to applicants are properly attributable to the exercise of the right. Those are factual questions that may require records, declarations and expert evidence rather than political statements.
The neighboring-jurisdiction comparisons could also become more complicated under closer examination. Different agencies may include different tasks in their quoted fees. Some may charge portions at separate stages, exclude training or psychological evaluation expenses, subsidize processing through general revenue, or structure local and state charges differently. A raw dollar comparison can show how unusual San Jose's figure is, but the court may need to determine whether the fees being compared cover genuinely equivalent services.
The city's own payment structure illustrates that problem. San Jose says the local fee is not collected all at once, while other jurisdictions cited in the complaint also divide their charges between application and issuance. In addition, applicants may face costs beyond the local licensing fee, including state processing, fingerprinting, training and other requirements. Those additional costs are not all created by San Jose and are not necessarily part of the specific $1,591 challenged in the federal complaint.
For constitutional purposes, however, the practical burden on an applicant may still matter. Bruen's reference to fees was framed around whether ordinary citizens are denied the right to public carry. The Justice Department's complaint therefore emphasizes access: a system may be neutral in wording but still face constitutional scrutiny if the cost is high enough to keep ordinary residents from completing the licensing process.
San Jose's position emphasizes a different principle: governments are generally allowed to charge fees associated with administering regulated activity, including activity protected by constitutional rights, so long as the fees are tied to legitimate administrative costs rather than used as disguised punishment. The city's letter to Dhillon says its fee is transparent, documented and adjusted through annual review, and therefore does not resemble the kind of abusive licensing system the Supreme Court warned about in Bruen.
The court will have to navigate both propositions. A permit fee does not become unconstitutional merely because it exists. But the existence of documented costs may not automatically make any resulting amount constitutional either. The dispute is over the line between reasonable administration and an excessive burden.
That line has become more important since Bruen transformed public-carry licensing across the country. Before the decision, several states used discretionary 'may-issue' systems that required applicants to show a special need beyond ordinary self-defense. Bruen rejected New York's version of that system and made clear that ordinary law-abiding citizens could not be forced to prove a special reason to carry. California subsequently operates under a shall-issue framework in which applicants who satisfy objective statutory requirements can receive licenses.
But removing broad discretion from the licensing decision did not eliminate every possible constitutional dispute. The Supreme Court specifically left open challenges involving how a shall-issue system functions in practice. Long delays, excessive costs or administrative requirements that operate as de facto barriers can still be litigated. That is why the San Jose case could become an important test of the post-Bruen rules even though it does not involve a discretionary 'good cause' requirement.

The Justice Department is asking for injunctive relief that would prevent the city and police department from continuing what the complaint calls a pattern or practice of unlawful conduct. The federal government also wants policies and procedures that would remedy the alleged violation and mechanisms capable of identifying and correcting future conduct that deprives residents of federally protected rights.
What the complaint does not supply is a single constitutionally acceptable fee. It does not say that $500 is lawful while $600 is not, or that a city must match San Francisco, Washington or another jurisdiction. That absence may become one of the most consequential aspects of the case. If the federal court agrees that $1,591 is excessive, it may still need to explain the legal test that distinguishes a valid cost-recovery fee from an unconstitutional one.
That question matters to cities well beyond San Jose. Local governments throughout California and elsewhere operate concealed-carry programs with different staffing models, application volumes and costs. A decision that focuses heavily on comparative prices could put pressure on high-fee jurisdictions to reduce charges. A decision that focuses on documented administrative costs could give local governments more room to defend expensive systems if they can show where the money goes.
The case could also clarify whether ability to pay must be part of the constitutional analysis. The Justice Department has framed the issue around ordinary and lower-income residents who may be unable to absorb a four-figure cost. San Jose's public defense has concentrated on the reasonableness of the city's expenses rather than on an applicant-by-applicant affordability test. The Supreme Court's Bruen language refers to fees that deny 'ordinary citizens' their right to carry, but lower courts still have to determine what evidence is necessary to show that denial.
For now, neither side has won the underlying legal question. The Justice Department has filed a complaint and stated its theory. San Jose has presented a detailed defense of how its fee is calculated and collected. The federal court has not ruled that the city violated the Second Amendment, and the city's assertion that every dollar reflects reasonable cost has not yet been tested through the litigation process.
The most accurate way to understand the dispute is therefore not as a settled finding that California has imposed an unconstitutional gun tax, nor as a settled finding that San Jose's accounting automatically resolves the issue. It is a live constitutional case over how a government may fund a licensing program after the Supreme Court recognized a right to carry firearms in public for self-defense.
The stakes are straightforward even if the legal test is not. If the Justice Department prevails, San Jose may have to redesign or reduce its concealed-carry fee structure and the ruling could influence challenges elsewhere. If the city prevails, local governments may have stronger support for charging unusually high fees when they can document that those charges reflect genuine administrative costs rather than an effort to suppress applications.
Either way, the case will force a federal judge to answer a question Bruen deliberately left open: when does the price of administering a constitutional right become a barrier to exercising it? San Jose says $1,591 is the cost of doing the work. The Justice Department says the cost itself has become the constitutional problem. The next step is no longer a political argument between Washington and California officials. It is a factual and legal test in federal court.
"🚨 BRANSON'S SCATHING ATTACK! — HE BLASTS TRUMP OVER PUTIN TIES AND URGES EUROPE TO STAND FIRM!"

British billionaire Sir Richard Branson has launched a fierce public attack on Donald Trump, accusing the U.S. administration of appeasing dictators and putting personal preferences ahead of American and allied interests.
The Virgin Group founder made his criticism in a LinkedIn post published this week, questioning why Trump appeared so willing to accommodate Russian President Vladimir Putin while Ukraine continues to face Russia’s invasion.
Branson described the administration as an “appeaser to autocrats and dictators,” arguing that its approach could weaken confidence among America’s traditional allies and undermine the interests of democratic nations.
He also raised a pointed question about the president’s relationship with Putin, asking why Trump seemed to flatter the Russian leader despite the continuing war and widespread international concern over Moscow’s actions.
The remarks come amid renewed controversy over a reported agreement involving Russian diesel supplies and a temporary easing of U.S. sanctions on Russian energy exports.
Trump has defended the arrangement as beneficial to fuel markets, while critics argue that allowing Russian energy revenues to flow could indirectly help Moscow sustain its war effort.
Branson called the deal deeply hypocritical, pointing to the contrast between Washington’s previous willingness to penalize countries purchasing Russian energy and its own decision to ease restrictions.
His criticism extended beyond energy policy. He also condemned Trump’s public attacks on Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, describing the administration’s treatment of Ukraine as a betrayal during a period of war and suffering.
The billionaire’s intervention follows mounting concern in Kyiv and across Europe about the durability of American support for Ukraine, particularly as diplomatic efforts have struggled to produce a lasting settlement.
Branson also expressed alarm about reports involving restrictions on Starshield services used by Ukraine, a technology issue that has raised questions about the country’s access to crucial battlefield communications.
Some of Branson’s claims about the consequences of satellite-service restrictions have not been independently confirmed, and the details of decisions involving military communications remain disputed.
He urged European leaders to respond more decisively, arguing that the continent cannot simply wait for Washington to determine the future of Ukraine’s security and its broader relationship with Russia.
His proposed response reportedly included considering the use of frozen Russian assets to support Ukraine and supplying more advanced weapons, measures that would intensify the confrontation with Moscow.
The comments place Branson among a relatively small group of prominent business leaders willing to criticize Trump directly over foreign policy, despite the political and commercial sensitivities surrounding such interventions.
Branson has previously spoken out in support of Ukraine and criticized approaches that he believes would pressure Kyiv into accepting an unfavorable peace agreement with Russia.
The latest dispute also comes at a politically sensitive moment in the United States, with congressional midterm elections approaching and foreign policy increasingly intertwined with domestic debates over leadership and national priorities.
Supporters of Trump’s approach may argue that direct engagement with Moscow and energy-market flexibility can serve American interests, even when such policies provoke disagreement among allies.
Critics counter that concessions to Russia risk weakening deterrence and sending an unsettling message to countries relying on the United States for diplomatic, economic and military support.
The disagreement reflects a broader debate over whether negotiations and economic pragmatism can help end the war—or whether they could give Moscow additional leverage without securing meaningful concessions.
For Ukraine, the stakes remain immediate: continued military pressure, uncertainty over international support and the search for a settlement that preserves its sovereignty remain central concerns.
Branson’s intervention adds another prominent voice to the dispute, challenging the White House’s handling of Russia and demanding a stronger response from Europe as the conflict continues.